Friday, December 26, 2014

In Cleveland, They Also Debate the Cuban Trade Embargo

Expatbuenosaires

As an American who lived and studied in Venezuela (pre-Chavez), now living in Argentina for a number of years, I cannot think of a good reason not to begin normalization of relations with Cuba. It just makes so much sense for the U.S. on so many levels. Politically it's a huge win the the U.S. throughout Latin America, a region so important yet neglected. It's been a huge win in public relations from the Caribbean down to Rio de Janeiro and Buenos Aires. God knows we could use a few friends in the world, given all we have either offended in the last 13 years. Economically, Cuba is small potatoes. But given its proximity to the U.S. (Key West is closer to Cuba than it is to Miami) and Cuba's symbolic importance politically in the region, there is no better way to remove what influence they have than by gradually bringing them into more normal relations.

The Cold War has been over for 25 years. Cuba isn't an outpost of the old USSR anymore. They lost that sponsor in 1989. They are losing Venezuela as a sponsor because of crashing oil prices. Even if Cuba opens gradually economically at first, political change will follow. The Wall Street Journal fully supports relations and economic ties with Cuba. Other than some understandable feelings of older Cuban Americans and the cries of a few politicians like Ted Cruz and Rubio. There isn't a logical argument against normalizing relations.

Now let's see if Obama follow up for a change. Let's see if this is more than just another lofty speech and an attempt to save his legacy. It's clear that nuclear negotiations with Iran are going nowhere. Relations with powers like China and Russia haven't been this bad in decades. The Middle East is within ruin or on fire. There is no better time to begin the process of bringing Cuba into the society of western nations than now.


Manuel Tellechea

In case you missed it, the end of the Cold War did not result in the liberation of the Cuban people. Cuba may not be "an outpost of the old USSR anymore," but the Kennedy-Khrushchev Pact, which established the United States as the guarantor of Communism in Cuba, is still in place  (Russia, as the successor state of the USSR, inherited all its treaty obligations).

You recognize that the Castro regime is "losing Venezuela as a sponsor because of crashing oil prices," but rather than use that lever to force Castro into democratic concessions that he would not otherwise make except under duress, you prefer to bail the regime out and receive in return no assurances that human rights will improve on the island. It seems that saving the regime is what matters to you, not the survival of the Cuban people. Remarkably, you don't even mention them or their plight in your entire comment.

The fact that the WSJ supports the restoration of diplomatic relations with Cuba and the end of the embargo simply shows that it caters to the interests of the robber barons who see Cuba as just another market and couldn't care less about the human rights of its people. Certainly Cuban children can sew sneakers for 5 cents an hour just as well as Vietnamese children can, and it would cost a lot less to transport those sneakers to the U.S. from Cuba than it would from Vietnam. There's another "logical argument" for normalizing relations with Communist Cuba.


east52

If you ask Cuban's whether they are better off under Castro or Bautista, I wonder what the answer would be. The issue is for 50 years we isolated Cuba in the hope that it would bring down Castro and it didn't work. Try something different. The Cuban refugees in this country are still mad because they had to give up their property and status to flee for their lives. If they were so good to the average Cuban, why did they flee to the USA?


Manuel Tellechea

Yes, why can't the Cuban people freely express what they think about Castro in democratic elections? Because Castro won't let them. The Cuban Revolution was predicated on the restoration of democracy. Instead, Castro installed a Stalinist regime which denied all civil and human rights to the Cuban people and reduced a country which once had the third highest GNP in the Western Hemisphere to a pauper state. One must have the greatest contempt for Castro's victims, and, indeed, think of them as something less than human, to believe that the only choice that they should ever have is between Batista and Castro. BTW, Batista died more than 40 years ago, and his supporters today, if he has any, are older than Fidel Castro. I suppose, however, that when Poland was still a captive nation you argued that its only choice was between Stalin and Hitler.


PatricktheStarfish

Your points are understood but the US has long had normal relations with countries that deny basic rights to their citizens.  The entire Middle East -- sans Israel -- for starters.  China too.  The embargo is useless.


Manuel Tellechea

This is your argument: "I am friends with my neighbor who beats his wife, and because I want to be fair, I must befriend every wife beater even those who are not my friends."


therobot57

But seriously, if we're going by morals we already trade with much worse countries.


Manuel Tellechea

If you were going by morals, you wouldn't.


ralphnader2

Yep. We support some of the most oppressive regimes in the world, e.g. China, Saudi Arabia -- yet there is hardly a whimper of protest. But if Cuba had oil -- or made all the crap we buy at WalMart -- there would never have been an embargo. I'm not saying the Castro regime has been good -- but they have been no worse than many of the totalitarian regimes we support. It's time to move on already. What good is an embargo when every other country in the world still trades with Cuba? It's madness.


Manuel Tellechea

And has the fact that "every other country in the world still trades with Cuba" resulted in the restoration of democracy there? Has swarms of Canadian and Euro-trash tourists (as well as 600,000 Americans in the last 5 years) resulted in any improvement in human rights on the island? It seems that engagement with the Castro regime yields absolutely nothing that would justify consorting with its tyrants. Why, then, taint yourself by underwriting those tyrants and perpetuating their tyranny? Supporting the regime by extending diplomatic recognition to it or trading with it shows only your contempt for the Cuban people, its victims.


ralphnader2

Euro-trash tourists? My, you have a way with words! and 600 thousand Americans? I'd like to see some support for that figure--it sounds grossly inflated. Who said anything about underwriting tyrants? The embargo has done NOTHING.

 Deal with it.


Manuel Tellechea

I could provide you with all the documentation that you want for that figure. But what would be the point? Would you admit that you were wrong and that trade and tourism will only prop-up the regime rather than reform it? And Euro-trash tourists, as I'm sure you know, are the middle-aged male pedophiles who flock to Cuba to enjoy with impunity those "people to people contacts"  that they dare not chance at home. In your mind, of course, these degenerates and their American counterparts will constitute a literal beachhead for democracy in Cuba.


therobot57

If Cuba had oil this would have been done years ago. I hope this doesn't hurt Paul's presidential campaign.


Manuel Tellechea

If Communist Cuba had oil, it wouldn't need to be bailed out. 

Potential Republican Presidential Candidates at Odds Over U.S. Lifting the Cuban Embargo

Wednesday, December 24, 2014

What is a Cuban "Hardliner?"


I have never met a Cuban "softliner" either on the right or on the left. The Cuban who supports rapprochement with the Castro regime is fully as dogmatic and intransigent as the Cuban who opposes it. Yet it is only the anti-Castro Cubans that are called "hardliners" by the media. The pro-Castro hardliners are always referred to as "moderates." Apparently, "moderate" defines any position that does not hold Fidel Castro accountable for his crimes while "intransigent" means any position that does.

Tuesday, December 23, 2014

Pilgrim's Progress; or, How Christian Learned to Love The Embargo

Christian C. said:

You must admit that there is no great solution to this dilemma, but there is a least-bad one. If the embargo remains, the Castro regime stays in power and the Cuban people continue to suffer. If the embargo is removed, the Castro regime stays in power and the Cuban people continue to suffer, but perhaps a bit less than before, and definitely not under the fiction that the Goliath to the north is responsible for their plight.

Cuban exiles who haven't been to Cuba in decades underestimate how widespread this myth is in Cuba (and rightfully so). It makes them feel as if they are trapped between Scylla and Charybdis. If you remove the embargo, there can be no doubt to Cubans that the Castro regime is the enemy, not the United States. If you keep it, you give the Castro regime the lifeblood that has sustained it for half a century.

The cases of China and Vietnam are instructive. Communist Parties in both countries were far more bloodthirsty than Castro, responsible for the deaths of millions including, in Vietnam's case, thousands of Americans; and in China, the world's greatest famine. The absurdity that we've restored relations with those more horrible regimes and not Cuba aside, the restoration of diplomatic and economic ties with China and Vietnam hasn't put an end to those regimes but undoubtedly resulted in more economic opportunity and less material deprivation for the Chinese and Vietnamese people.

Ironically, the hostile policy towards Cuba championed by hardline Cuban exiles has been one of the greatest contributors to the Castro regime's longevity. Some Cuban exiles realize all of this more than they let on, leading me to believe that this is no more than another pathetic machista contest to see who has the bigger dick.


Christian:

Your intentions are good and you are better informed about conditions in Communist Cuba than most. I suspect also that you are very young (as evidenced in your observation about relative penis size, which is rather puerile), so I will treat you differently from the agents provocateur who have lately opined on the subject of the embargo and do my best to educate rather than mock you.

All Cubans on the island, from the youngest to the oldest, know that Fidel Castro is alone responsible for the destruction of their country and for the miserable quality of their lives. If anyone told you otherwise it is because he does not trust you. After 55 years of practicing dissimulation as a survival tactic, Cubans are quite adept at telling foreigners exactly what they want to hear and nothing that would compromise their safety or that of their loved ones. When you visit Cuba consider yourself to be a member of the Red Cross inspecting one of the Nazis' "model" concentration camps. How glowingly the inmates spoke of their lives there. Why they even policed themselves without the need of keeping guards at the gates. The enemy was outside the gates; within, they were safe and looked after. Who would ever wish to escape from such an earthly paradise! So the Swiss redactors were told and so they concluded in their report.

Nobody in Cuba blames the United States for the state of Cuba's economy. Even after 55 years of countless betrayals Cubans still look to "the Goliath to the North" for at least personal deliverance. Now this is wrong because they should blame the U.S. for their country's plight, not because of the embargo which does not personally affect any Cuban just as lifting the embargo wouldn't personally benefit any Cuban except the stakeholders in Castro & Company, the family monopoly that owns everything of value on the island; but, rather, Cubans should hold the U.S. responsible because it installed Castro in power; betrayed the freedom fighters at the Bay of Pigs; and agreed in the Kennedy-Khrushchev Pact to act as the guarantor of Communism in Cuba, which is one commitment that the U.S. has kept.

You write that "Communist Parties in both [China and Vietnam] were far more bloodthirsty than [was] Castro." Vietnam's population is 9 times the size of Cuba's and China has 135 times Cuba's population. Even if Castro had succeeded in killing every single Cuban in the world, as he very nearly did during the Missile Crisis, there would still be more victims of Communism in China and Vietnam. But this is simply because Castro has a much smaller theater of operations for his depredations. Still, even within his demographic limitations, Castro has accomplished a great deal in the way of bloodshed. In just his first year in power, Fidel Castro executed more men, women and children than have been put to death for capital crimes in the United States in the last 225 years (or since 1608, if we also count the colonial period). Yes, take a minute to catch your breath; you are going to need it.

According to the census of June 1933, the Jewish population of Germany consisted of 505,000 people. Jews represented less than 1 percent of the total German population of 67 million. Approximately 300,000 German Jews managed to escape before the Holocaust. Of the remaining 205,000, 170,000 were killed in the Holocaust. (Source: The Holocaust Encyclopedia). The Cuban Archive Project has identified and documented 102,000 Cubans killed by Castro (and this number, of course, is always growing).Hitler killed 170,000 German Jews relative to a total German population of 67 million in 1933 (when he took over). Castro has killed 102,000 Cubans out of a total population of 6.6 million (when he took over in 1959). Proportionally, Castro has killed 7 times more Cubans than Hitler did German Jews. Even if we relate Castro’s killings to the current Cuban population (11 million), he has still killed 4 times as many Cubans than Hitler killed German Jews.Moreover, if all the European Jews killed by Hitler (6 million) in all countries to which he extended the Holocaust are taken as a percentage of the total population of Europe, Castro has still killed more Cubans per capita than Hitler killed Jews.

Now, Christian, does the real extent of Castro's genocide really matter to you? If it did you would abandon this ridiculous conceit of yours that a tyrant's morality should be measured by the quantity of pints of blood that he has not spilled.

Your last point does you the least credit of all.

You claim that the "hostility of hardline Cubans" is responsible for maintaining the Castro regime in power. So it is the victims, then, who are to blame for the crimes committed against them by their enemies. If only the Jews or the Cambodians had tried harder to understand the motives of their persecutors, and had walked into the gas chambers or the Killing Fields with a song on their lips and gratitude in their hearts, they might have been spared or subjected to a lesser chastisement. But their presumptuous hostility towards their would-be assassins whet the assassins' appetite for revenge and sealed their fate. If only they had declined to engage in "a machista contest to see who had the bigger dick," but rather tucked their dicks between their legs, or, better yet, cut off the offensive member, they might have lived serene lives as eunuchs without the least trace of that poisonous hostility towards evil that fuels evil.

So when did you put yours on the chopping block?

Monday, December 22, 2014

Nobel Peace Prize for Obama (Again) and Raúl Castro

At the start of his first term, Barack Obama was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for not being George Bush (an award previously conferred on Al Gore for the same reason). Unfortunately, no individual has ever received the same Nobel Prize twice. Otherwise, the Norwegian Nobel Committee would surely have bestowed it yet again on Obama and Raúl Castro for the resumption of diplomatic relations between the U.S. and Cuba.

Perhaps it was to avoid that possibility that the news was announced a week after the 2014 Nobel Peace Prize was awarded. It would certainly have been Obama's just deserts to have had his name coupled forever with Raúl's as Henry Kissinger's is with Le Duc Tho's (even though Tho declined the prize). The only reason that Hitler and Neville Chamberlain were not awarded the Peace Prize in 1939 (though both were nominated) was that the ink was not yet dry on their pact before Hitler broke it. The irony of Castro being awarded the prize when no Cuban dissident ever was would also have been priceless and put into relief yet again the utter moral worthlessness of this political lotto with an 8.0 million kronor prize (about $1.5 million dollars).

Next year, however, the Norwegians can award their blodgeld [what else can you call money (geld) from the estate of the inventor of dynamite?]  to Pope Francis, who is credited by both Obama and Castro with this "diplomatic breakthrough" (i.e. moral breakdown). The Peace Prize was never awarded to Pope John Paul II (though Gorbachev got it). Awarding it to Francis would be a "historical reparation" as was the award to the Dalai Lama in 1989,which the then-chairman of the committee said was "in part a tribute to the memory of Mahatma Gandhi," who was never awarded the prize, either. Or perhaps the award can be bestowed on the Vatican as an organization, thereby honoring the previous three pontiffs, all of whom (including John Paul II) campaigned for the restoration of diplomatic ties between the U.S. and Cuba and condemned the trade embargo, though not the tyrannical rule of the Castro dynasty.

Sunday, December 21, 2014

The Cuban Trade Embargo: On the Eve of Its Repeal

The following exchange took place at Cubanet over the ten days preceding President Barack Obama's announcement that he would re-establish diplomatic relations with Communist Cuba unilaterally and without prior conditions, exactly as the Castro regime has always demanded and as his predecessors from either party refused to do for 54 years. In contravention of U.S. law, Obama has announced that he will do everything within his power and outside his authority to nullify the trade embargo, and, in effect, make this country Castro's economic sponsor as it has been the guarantor of Communism in Cuba since the Kennedy-Khrushchev Pact (which itself has never been nullified). I had no idea when I had this exchange with "Ilumar" that we were discussing what was already a dead letter. I do not think that he was aware of what was in the offing either. Still, his indoctrination was so complete and his demeanor so  shameless, I suspected that he had some tie to the Cuban Interests Section. Whether naturally or by design, Ilumar was the perfect foil. Slavish to the point of caricature, but not smart enough to avoid entangling himself in his own arguments, Ilumar's type is now extinct because superfluous. There are no more arguments to be made against the embargo. Their side has prevailed because a president as ignorant and duplicitous as they come has decreed that 55 years of slavery is not enough for the Cuban people and that their masters should not be deprived of their human chattel, nor the U.S. of the opportunity to exploit them as well, which the embargo, if nothing else, preempted. No, the embargo did not topple Fidel Castro; but lifting the embargo will assure the continuation of Castroism — that is, of a corporate fascist state in Cuba — for the duration of its geological life. The Great Capitulator has seem to that.


MANUEL TELLECHEA If a man refuses to speak to you except with the understanding that nothing that he tells you can ever be repeated by you, then you are either in a papal conclave or in a meeting with Ernesto Londoño, The New York Times' reincarnated Herbert Matthews. How can such a one-sided exchange of opinions — with Castro's subjects openly expressing their views on the record and possibly to their peril while the editorial writer from the so-called "newspaper of record" decrees that nothing which he says can be on record, nor considered "fit to print" — how can such a meeting of unequals be said to have been held "in an atmosphere of mutual respect," as reported in your publication. What respect does a man have for you as a fellow professional, or, indeed, as a fellow human being, who would censor those who are already censored. And yet, you somehow feel honored to have been singled-out for his disdain, and believe that your words are safe in his keeping! His bogus apprehensions about you should be your real apprehensions about him. Your only defense against his proven malice and ill-will is to do what he has forbidden you to do. You have no moral or ethical obligation to abet his mischief with your silence. Speak. Isn't that what this is all about?

ILUMAR Someone in an investigative mission collects information, does not provide opinions. It is perfectly OK for Mr. Londoño to stipulate that any statement by him be off the record. Although he would avoid expressing opinions, it is to be expected that in discussing subjects and trying to clarify an issue, Mr. Londoño would make statements that he doesn't want published, not necessarily because he tries to hide his views, but because it is not his intent to be quoted. Further, he has to mind the distinct possibility that he will be quoted out of context, distorting the meaning of his words, making him a protagonist in the news story. I am not a newspaperman, but I have gathered that knowledge by simple observation and a bit of logical thinking.

MANUEL TELLECHEA Mr. Londoño is not an investigative reporter but an expounder of opinions (i.e. editorial writer), and his opinions are very privileged indeed if they must be confined to the pages of his paper. Mr. Londoño is also, apparently, a believer that a picture is worth a thousand of his words, because he also refused to be photographed with the independent Cuban journalists. He had no compunction, however, about being interviewed by or photographed with the staff of the regime organ Granma. In fact, Londoño himself posted those photographs on Facebook. Anyone who has ever talked to The New York Times or any other media on the record has risked the possibility that he would be "quoted out of context, distorting the meaning of his words." Nowadays, however, most interviews are recorded, and this interview certainly was, if not by the participants then by Cuban State Security, which no doubt has compiled an interesting dossier on Mr. Londoño during his two weeks on the island. But it is not Castro's henchmen whom Londoño fears, only his victims.

ILUMAR I think that the issue I addressed was whether or not Mr. Londoño was correct in demanding that he not be quoted. He does not have to be technically an investigative reporter to be in a fact-gathering mission. As an editorialist of the NY Times, he is part of a committee and can’t go around spreading opinions on delicate or controversial issues while representing the paper. If I were him you would not catch me dead making public statements of my personal views. Therefore, I stick to my thinking that Mr. Londoño’s requiring that he not be quoted makes a lot of sense.

 You go into other issues which are your take of the situation, and certainly not mine. Londoño refused to be quoted by the “independent journalists” while giving a collective interview published by oncubamagazine.com, well, it was his prerogative to do so. Let’s face it, he knows who are the people positively receptive to his views and who are the people who would try to trip him, misquote him and harm his position. In any case, an interview is quite different from a private discussion, which is what he had with the Cubanet people. In the published interview he spoke of facts, such as seeing more openness for opinions in Cuba, but did not make editorial comments that he cannot make.

And there you go assuming, but stating as a fact, that every word of Mr. Londoño during his visits was secretly recorded by the Cuban government. I guess that you give your opinions even if you do not have hard proof on hand, and so can I. I think that those “independent journalists” respond to American government agencies, and are paid by them. I have heard of hard proof of this but I am not researching it now. Needless to say, I agree 99% with every one of the NYT editorials in which Mr. Londoño is involved. And it looks that the majority of Cubans residents of the USA do too, although they are not represented in Cubanet. Check this out: http://www.granma.cu/mundo/201...

MANUEL TELLECHEA Your premise that a newspaperman cannot voice a private opinion because it might be at variance with his public opinion presupposes a level of hypocrisy in journalism that would surpass even that in politics. In Londoño's case, I believe that you do him a great injustice. He is undoubtedly an apologist for the Castro regime whether he's on the job or not. And, of course, he felt more at home among "people positively receptive to his views," that is, among Castro's minions at Granma whose opinions he parrots and whose discretion he can rely upon. I don't think that he was afraid that Cuba's independent journalists "would try to trip him," but, rather, that he would trip himself and expose his monumental ignorance about Cuba. Under such circumstances, perhaps silence is best (for him).

ILUMAR A member of the Times' Editorial Board does not go around shooting his mouth up in front of terribly biased and antagonistic people. Mr. Londoño probably doesn't want to disclose a position not yet discussed in a meeting of the Board to which he belongs. I do not think that in his interview at the oncubamagazine.com he went out of his way to express subjective opinions. What I find is that the mere fact that he did not take the opportunity at either meeting to verbally trash the Cuban government is taken by you and the Cubans like you, not a majority, as proof that he is a Castro apologist and that he is ignorant about Cuba. What else is new? That routine has been playing for so long.

 Mr. Londoño's opinions so far are very close to mine, and I am a Cuban immigrant who happens to be in the majority of Cubans on this issue, not even counting the wonderful people currently residing in Cuba who are my primary concern. To us, for example, the embargo and the provisions that make it a "bloqueo" is an absolute disgrace. 188 to 2 was the vote at the UN, remember? It is clear that that terrible policy has politically helped the Cuban government, but the compelling point against it is that it has been profoundly detrimental to the well-being of your compatriots as the policy unabashedly set out to be. On the issue of exchanging the three remaining Cubans in American prisons (unjustly convicted of espionage) for the American operative, Mr. Alan Gross (too harshly sentenced), I also agree with the Times editorials. Right wingers, on the other hand, don't see the humanitarian aspect of that exchange, or don't seem to care.

 There is no need to continue this discussion between us as our positions are clear, opposite, and without much chance for agreement, as it has always been.

MANUEL TELLECHEA You are right in one respect: our positions are clear, opposite and irreconcilable. Mine, of course, is the majority position among both Cubans on the island and in exile. The fact that the Castro dynasty has ruled Cuba for 55 years without the benefit of free elections proves not only that it is an illegitimate government, but also that it knows that it does not have the support of its people. The fact that no Cuban has ever been elected to the U.S. Congress, at any time, who supported the end of the embargo or the restoration of diplomatic ties with the regime proves that Cubans in the United States today are as opposed to Castro's dictatorship as any previous generation. My side has to wait for the deaths of two octogenarians for democracy to prevail in Cuba. Your side must await the annihilation of 12 million Cubans on the island and two million in exile for there to exist a consensus for the continuation of their legacy.

ILUMAR I must say something: in what the heck world do you live? To say that the majority of Cubans anywhere support the embargo, (to reduce this to one issue) is basically saying that Cubans want to starve themselves to see if in that manner they gather the fortitude to take action against the government (which is the premise of the embargo), and that presumes that they are cruel and stupid, which conditions only apply to a small part of the US Cubans, the ones who vote detestable politicians to US congress. I suppose you don't believe in surveys, and, more surprisingly, you don't believe in common sense or evidence. You are outrageous, sir.

MANUEL TELLECHEA So you are in fact admitting that for 55 years the Castro regime has starved the Cuban people rather than recognize their civil and human rights, which is all that would have been required for the embargo to end. The embargo, however, never forbade the exportation of food and medicine to the island. If starving the Cuban people into embracing freedom and democracy were its object, it certainly left some big loopholes which have only grown as the embargo has been relaxed through the years. At present, Communist Cuba can purchase anything it wants from the U.S. except armaments. Of course, it must pay for what it buys upfront and is not eligible for government-backed credit. Having exhausted its credit with every other country in the world — and stiffed every other country in the world — the Castro regime desperately wants the U.S. to extend a line of credit so that it can continue its parasitic existence for a while longer. This is what "lifting the embargo" signifies for Communist Cuba today: being financially underwritten by and dependent upon the "yanquis."

 We are agreed that Cubans do not want to starve, but they do not blame the U.S. embargo for their plight but the catastrophic economic model which Castro imposed at the start of the Revolution, which reduced a country with the third-highest GNP in the Western Hemisphere to a mendicant state whose largest export and source of income is slave labor (before 1991 it was cannon fodder).

No, Cubans do not want to starve, nor do their exiled relatives in the U.S. want them to starve (the largest source of revenue for Cubans are cash remittances from abroad). The only one with an interest in starving the Cuban people is Castro himself, who has always used food as an instrument of state control.

ILUMAR No, I did not admit what you say I admitted, period. I said, to put it differently, that Cubans that want the embargo to stay, cruelly and stupidly act against their own interests, because the intent of the embargo (not that of the Cuban government) is that the people of Cuba starve and no good Cuban would wish them to starve. The ultimate purpose at its inception was of course that the "starvation" leads them to rebel and depose the government just to effect a change that would cause the US to stop the embargo, and they would rebel not necessarily because they blame the government for their vicissitudes, although many would blame it because of confusion. That rebellion has not occurred and every day it is farther from ever occurring.

The embargo can be called an extortion. It reminds me of an election in Nicaragua where the premise was: if the anti-Sandinista wins the election, the war, the aggression ends. Otherwise, the war continues. Talk about influencing democratic elections! Democratic institutions do not develop or work well in a state of war. Stop all aggression against Cuba to increase the possibility of an improvement of civil liberties on the island.

 I do not at all share your opinion that the US embargo is now significantly relaxed, that food, medicine and medical equipment flow to Cuba unharmed by the embargo, that the main problem with Cuban commerce is its bad credit, and other fallacies. You seem to forget that the "embargo" is in fact an economic blockade that punishes foreign companies. The main question remains for those who use your arguments: If the embargo is so benign, why not lift it altogether and thus shut up its detractors: those 188 countries, the pope and virtually everyone else, including (it is crazy to deny it) the great majority of Cubans everywhere? Why not gain the political upper hand and then brag: "see, they keep on sinking, told you so"? My answer is - they don't lift it because Cuba would rise and certain American political circles would be damaged when that is exposed.

 Although poor in terms of material riches, Cuba is a country of high standards in many areas of human rights, the most important being those human rights that lead to long and healthy lives. Imagine what Cuba could be if it is just simply allowed to exercise unfettered the human right of international commerce.

 Only if you misinterpret something material that I said, would I reply to you again on this issue. I hope it is not necessary.

MANUEL TELLECHEA Now you have admitted that an improvement in civil liberties is necessary on the island and that such an improvement will not come until the U.S. agrees to underwrite financially the Castro regime (i.e. lift the embargo without prior conditions).

 There is no "human right of international commerce," as you put it, but if there were such a right, Communist Cuba, which has trade relations with over 200 countries, exercises that "right" fully and without constraint. If a U.S. blockade of the island were in fact in place, Cuba would not be able to trade with any country.

 The U.S. has no obligation under international law to trade with Cuba or with any other country, and if 188 nations think that it does or should, then 188 nations are wrong. All of these countries as well as the Vatican supported economic sanctions on South Africa, and it was their united front that brought down apartheid there. If Cubans had received as much solidarity from the world community, apartheid on the island would also have been long ago extinguished. But the craven institution that is the United Nations reserves its solidarity for leftist tyrants and not their beleaguered subjects.

ILUMAR You and the "admissions" of mine, LOL. Well, yes, civil liberties can be improved if the aggression ends, for there would be no need to keep paid foreign operatives tightly in check. Yes, the US has no obligation to trade with Cuba but has no right to interfere with Cuba's trading with other nations, foreign companies, foreign financial institutions, and that the US does. Hell, Cuba can't get a bank in Washington DC to handle its Interest Section financial affairs!

 You have a funny way to portray what is the meaning of ending the embargo. I will not dispute your view, but add that to me ending the embargo means (1) not interfering with Cuba's right to trade with other nations in order to sustain its economy and improve the livelihood of its people; (2) at least continue trading with Cuba under the present terms, no financing required. (3) Let the Americans visit Cuba as tourists without limitation (it is their right to visit a friendly and safe country!).

I think that further improvement in the US trade with Cuba will occur upon realization that the US companies are missing out on profits. It has been a pleasure talking with you.

MANUEL TELLECHEA The trade embargo is not a policy that can be altered by presidential fiat. According to U.S. law, the trade embargo cannot be lifted until certain preconditions have been met, in particular, the formation of a Cuban government which is the product of free elections and is not headed by either Fidel or Raúl Castro.

What a moral victory could be achieved by anti-embargo proponents like yourself if you could only convince these superannuated tyrants to do what Pinochet did and retire! But they are determined to do what no Cuban dictator has ever done in history — die in his own bed. And if the Cuban people must endure another decade of slavery and starvation to make this possible, so be it. José Martí wrote that "No man is worth more than an entire people." Fidel and Raúl beg to differ.

http://www.cubanet.org/opiniones/un-encuentro-clandestino-con-ernesto-londono/#comment-1740691244

Wednesday, December 17, 2014

Barack Obama Fulfills At Last Our Worst Expectations

MONDAY, JANUARY 19, 2009


Barack Obama: The End of Hope for Cuba

I have received many e-mails from readers, both known and unknown to me, asking me to re-consider my decision to close this blog [Review of Cuban-American Blogs] on January 20th [2009]. At the same time, my own determination to do so was strengthened daily by the events leading up to Inauguration Day. Bush may not have listened to Cubans, but Obama listens to the wrong Cubans. As soon as it is possible for him to do so, and sooner even than most of us expect, the juggernaut of normalization will roll over every Cuban on the island, leaving them parallel with their surroundings. There is nothing that can be done to stop him and much that we must do to prepare ourselves, as best as we can, for the greatest defeat we have ever sustained in our struggle against tyranny in our country.

In 1959, the United States installed Castro in power and it has been the guarantor of Communism in Cuba since 1962. What it has not done, however, is to underwrite the enterprise. That was a task left to America's enemies. This is going to change now. Cuba will remain the only Communist state under U.S. military protection but now it will also enjoy all the benefits of commerce with this nation, or leastwise its oppressors will. After defaulting on every foreign creditor and exhausting every line of credit while amassing the largest per 
Since there can be no resumption of diplomatic relations with Communist Cuba until it settles U.S. claims against it, Obama will float the regime a loan so that it can pay pennies on the dollar for the properties it confiscated and nationalized before Obama was born, receiving in return clear title to them, which will enable it to sell those same properties at market value to a new generation of greedy and ignorant American investors, who will pour billions into the island with the assurance that the U.S. government will bail them out when the regime decides again that seizing American assets is more beneficial than trading with the enemy.

The biggest losers in this arrangement will be the Cuban people, who will not regain their liberty, but become subject to the exploitation of even more foreigners. Their masters will multiply but the quality of their lives will not improve. A prosperous tyranny is always to be more feared than one on the verge of economic collapse. The means of repression will expand and be fortified with the profits that the regime will reap from trade with the U.S. There will be no sharing of the wealth, however, because economic rights always anticipate political rights, and a regime that has always regarded both as anathema will not open the door to one knowing that it leads to the other.

The result of "normalization" (what a quaint word as if any relationship with a regime like Castro's could ever be anything but abnormal!) will prove detrimental to all parties except Castro and his henchmen. Those who espouse rapprochement do so because they hope to profit from the suffering of the Cuban people. Obama, besides acting on his ideological affinities with Castro, hopes to score a cheap coup de theatre by renewing relations with Communist Cuba, which the media are sure to represent as the greatest diplomatic feat in history, surpassing the opening of Japan by Perry or of China by either Marco Polo or Nixon. American businessmen, industrialists and agronomists, who have spent 8 years drooling about the prospects of trade with Cuba as Bush dangled that putrid carrot before them, will trample one another like elephants even before they reach the cliff.

To do business with Cuba will become more important than to do justice to Cubans. Human rights there will become as irrelevant as human rights in China without the Cuban people ever being compensated with an extra bowl of porridge for surrendering to the stomach what rightly belongs to the spirit.

This is what the election of Barack Obama means to Cubans and why tomorrow will always be a day of mourning for our country.

For my part, I prefer to mourn in private, which is the reason that I have decided to close the Review of Cuban-Americans Blogs tomorrow.

Wednesday, November 26, 2014

Chinese Translation of "Yo soy un hombre sincero"

我是一個誠實的人,來自椰子的故鄉,但凡我在人世,就把心上的歌兒高唱。我曾涉足天南海北,今後還將雲遊四方,千支歌中我是一曲,萬峰之中我是一座山崗。無論奇花還是異草,我都曉得它的怪名,無論上當還是受騙,我均深知它的苦痛。我曾見黑夜之中聖潔的美女將純真之光溫柔地灑在我的額頭上。我曾見漂亮女人的肩頭上生長出會飛的翅膀,瓦礫廢墟之上亦有蝴蝶在飛翔:我曾見一位男子生活孤寂,一把匕首形影不離.令他心灰意冷的美女,永遠不再把她的名字提起。靈魂的顯現光一般地迅疾,我曾兩度看到它的底細:一次是可憐的父親彌留之際,一次是她道聲再見,離我去。我曾搖撼那扇籬笆,是在葡萄園的門口,因為可恨的蜜蜂,蜇傷了我女兒的頭。我曾品嚐過一次享受,一次從未有過的享受,那是當法官一邊哭泣一邊宣判我的時侯。隔著海洋越過大地,我聽到有人在嘆氣,不,那不是嘆氣,是我兒躁動欲醒的鼻息。如果有人對我說:“去,拿走世界上最好的寶貝!”我將選擇一位真誠的朋友,而不去把愛情加以理會。我曾見受傷的蒼鷹,翱翔在萬裡晴空;亦曾見噴毒的蛇​​​​蠍,死於自己的巢穴。我曉得即使世界長眠,一片昏暗,萬物靜寂之時也會聽到溫順的小溪流水潺潺。天上的星辰失去了光輝,恰巧隕落於我家的荊扉;我驚喜交加,不知所措,竟用僵直的手將它撫摸。在我憤怒的胸膛,隱藏著刺痛的哀傷。被奴役人民之子生活只有這樣:或是沉默,或是死亡。一切,都美好而久長,一切,都和諧而舒暢,一切,都酷似那金剛,原來是炭,倘若失去了光。我曉得愚頑之輩的隆重葬禮,豪華奢侈,哀樂四起;也曉得墓地結出碩果,將會超出一般的土地。我沉默不語,心明眼亮,不再讓韻律的馬達隆隆作響。我將脫下博士服,把它掛在一棵枯萎的樹上。

http://meii.zcom.tw/000htm/Petitgrain%20Essential%20Oil%20.htm

Last month, I offered a very conventional Chinese translation of José Martí's "Cultivo una rosa blanca." "Conventional" is here used as the highest praise that can be bestowed on such an exercise. There is nothing in the least jarring about that translation; it does not depart an iota from the sense of the original and preserves all the external components of the poem that can be preserved; it is, in short, faithful. Martí's poem makes its journey to Cathay in a Chinese junk, but it arrives intact and even unrumpled. It is a very different experience from what awaited "Yo soy un hombre sincero" on its own journey to the Mystical Kingdom. This translation is still recognizable; but it is not fully comprehensible. It is imbued with a certain character of its own which even in the literal English translation sounds distinctly Oriental, or mock Oriental, anyway. I am wary to point out its idiosyncrasies lest I deprive the reader of the pleasure of discovering them for himself. Let me say on my word that I have added nothing to the original translation and that I am as astonished as you will be by the layers of meaning and unmeaning which the anonymous translator has uncovered. More than once I have had to pause to consider the viability of these alternative readings. Can someone from a different culture (or a different planet, for that matter) interpret a poem in new and original ways because his perspective differs from ours and most importantly from the author's? And are these insights to be ignored or discounted because they are drawn from a different well of experience? One might as well assert that Americans should not write haiku or Japanese violinists play Beethoven. Cultural imperialism cannot be allowed to replace political imperialism. Certainly, Martí of all people should be the last hostage to be taken in that archaic conflict. So I ask the reader to consider the following translation with an open mind, out of respect for the translator and in tribute to Martí. [Upon further research I have found other Chinese translations of this poem, and include in brackets an interesting variant on the second verse, which manages to be quite conventional until the very last word].

I am an honest man,
home from coconut,
whenever I am in the world,
put the heart of the song children sing.

I had to get involved in many,
the future will wander,
one thousand is a song I,
I was one among Wanfeng hill.

[I will once step in all over the country,
from now on also wander the four directions,
in thousand songs I will be a tune,
in ten thousand peaks I was a hump.]

Whether or exquisite Yi Cao,
I know it's a strange name,
regardless fooled or deceived,
I know it's all pain.

I have seen the beauty
of the holy darkness,
pure light gently sprinkler
on my forehead.

I have seen the growth
of a beautiful woman
on the shoulders of fly wings,
also on the rubble butterfly flying:

I have seen a man living lonely,
a dagger inseparable.
Beauty made him frustrated,
never mention her name.

Generally light show swift soul,
I see it's the bottom line twice:
once poor father dying,
and once she say good-bye, off I go.

I was shaking the fence door
is the door of the vineyard,
as hateful bees stings
my daughter's head.

I have tasted a pleasure,
never had time to enjoy it
while weeping when the judge
sentenced me at the right time.

Across the ocean, across the earth,
I heard someone sigh,
no, that's not a sigh,
I want to wake up the children restless breath.

If someone said to me:
"Go, take the world's best baby!"
I will choose a sincere friend,
and not to be ignored to love.

I have seen the injured eagle,
flying in clear blue skies;
see spray poisonous snakes
have also scorpion died own lair.

I know that even the world's buried,
a dark, quiet
when things will hear
the gentle gurgling brook.

Lost glory of the stars of heaven,
as it happens in my house fall
Jing Fei; my surprise Cross, overwhelmed,
actually with stiff hands stroked it.

In my anger chest,
tingling hidden grief.
Son of enslaved peoples living the only way:
either silence or death.

All are beautiful and long long,
everything is harmonious and comfortable,
all, are exactly like that of King Kong,
the original charcoal, if the loss of the light.

I know a grand funeral foolish generation,
and a touch of luxury, dirge everywhere;
also know the cemetery to fruition,
it will go beyond the general land.

I was silent, and think clearly,
no longer let the rhythm of motor rumble.
I will take off Dr. clothes,
hang it on a withered tree.


Thursday, October 30, 2014

Chinese Translation of "Cultivo una rosa blanca"

我种了一枝白色的玫瑰
在炙热的七月
在严寒的一月
我把它送了一个爽快地
施我以援手的真心朋友

而对于残忍地撕裂
我赖以生存的心脏
的人
不是还以荨麻
也不是回以荆棘
我也种了一枝白色的玫瑰

原作者:José Martí
译者:yuyuliuxiahui (translator)


Literal translation of the Chinese version:

I planted a white rose
In the heat of July
And in the cold of January,
And I put it in the hand
Of my true friend.

And for my enemy,
Who cruelly tears my living heart,
I place in his hand
Neither thorns nor nettles:
For him, also, I planted a white rose.

http://article.yeeyan.org/view/239462/221457

Sunday, October 12, 2014

Translation of José Martí's First Great Poem: "A Emma"

In José Martí's lifetime, this beautiful poem, written in a deaf girl's album, was invariably cited in every biographical sketch that made any allusion to his poetry as his best known work. It is indeed a perfect poem of matchless sensibility, worthy of Spain's Golden Age and even of classical antiquity. It has that quality of always having existed which is the essence of immortality. Is this Martí's greatest poem? It is certainly his first great poem. Ismaelillo fulfilled its promise and Versos sencillos elevated Spanish poetry to the greatest height it had reached in more than two centuries. The recognition of that fact would come after Martí's death. In his day, it was "A Emma" that won him whatever renown he enjoyed as a poet. For that reason, this poem was especially dear to him and should be dear to us, too. I have been trying to translate it for decades. In my translation of the Versos sencillos, I had to make many unavoidable compromises which the retention of the original rhyme scheme decreed. Notwithstanding that fact, at least half of the 46 translations are as perfect as I (or anybody) could make them. In translating "To Emma," however, I was not disposed to accept any compromise. In an extended work such as the Versos sencillos, the scope and sweep of the symphony drowns out the occasional discordant note produced by the clash of languages. In a precious little gem like "A Emma" there can be no occlusions. It must be perfect in every respect since perfection is what defines it. And so I think its translation will always remain a work in progress. This version in blank verse is so far the most satisfying to me. My object, of course, is to cast it in rhyme while preserving every other element of the original. Is this possible? I believe it is, though that certainty necessarily entails accepting the premise that two languages can be interchangeable (which evidently is not the case). Still, I persist because, contrary to common belief, lightning can and has struck the same person twice (and more than twice). Until then, I offer this version because there has to be one English translation of this important poem available somewhere after 140 years.

Written during his first exile in Spain, when he was 19, this poem was inspired by and dedicated to Emma Goróstegui y Campuzano, wrongly identified in all anthologies by only her maternal surname. "A Emma" appears in numerous sites on the internet, where invariably the wrong date of its composition is given ("1883" instead of 1872) and the last line is transcribed incorrectly (substituting "mujeres" for palabras) with very unhappy results.


A Emma

No sientas que te falte
el don de hablar que te arrebata el cielo,
no necesita tu belleza esmalte
ni tu alma pura más extenso vuelo.
No mires, niña mía,
en tu mutismo fuente de dolores,
ni llores las palabras que te digan
ni las palabras que te faltan llores.
Si brillan en tu faz tan dulces ojos
que el alma enamorada se va en ellos,
no los nublen jamás tristes enojos,
que todas las palabras de mis labios,
no son una mirada de tus ojos...

Madrid, 10 de julio de 1872


To Emma

Do not feel sad, dear child, because you lack
The gift of speech which heaven has denied you:
Your beauty and pure soul do not require,
Nor are there, words that can soar any higher.
Let not your deafness be a source of sorrow,
Nor cry because of words you cannot hear,
Nor cry because of words you cannot say;
For such sweet eyes light up your countenance,
A loving heart but sees and is lost in them.
Never allow your tears to dim their brightness;
For all the words that ever crossed my lips
Ne'er said as much as one look from your eyes.

Madrid, July 10, 1872.

Saturday, September 27, 2014

"La Patria"


Queriendo yo un dia
Saber qué es la Patria,
Me dijo un anciano
Que mucho la amaba:

«La Patria se siente;
No tienen palabras
Que claro la expliquen
Las lenguas humanas.

Allí, donde todas
Las cosas nos hablan
Con voz que hasta el fondo
Penetra del alma;

Allí, donde empieza
La breve jornada
Que al hombre en el mundo
Los cielos señalan;

Allí, donde el canto
Materno arrullaba
La cuna que el Ángel
Veló de la guarda;

Allí, donde en tierra
Bendita y sagrada
De abuelos y padres
Los restos descansan;

Allí, donde eleva
Su techo la casa
De nuestros mayores...
Allí está la Patria.

II

El valle profundo,
La ruda montaña
Que vieron alegre
Correr nuestra infancia;

Las viejas ruïnas
De tumbas y de aras
Que mantos hoy visten
De hiedra y de zarza;

El árbol que frutos
Y sombra nos daba
Al son armonioso
Del ave y del aura;

Recuerdos, amores,
Tristeza, esperanzas,
Que fuentes han sido
De gozos y lágrimas;

La imágen del templo,
La roca y la playa
Que ni años ni ausencias
Del ánimo arrancan;

La voz conocida,
La jóven que pasa,
La flor que has regado,
Y el campo que labras;

Ya en dulce concierto,
Ya en notas aisladas,
Oirás que te dicen:
Aquí está la Patria.

III

El suelo que pisas
Y ostenta las galas
Del arte y la industria
De toda tu raza,

No es obra de un dia
Que el viento quebranta;
Labor es de siglos
De penas y hazañas.

En él tuvo orígen
La fe que te inflama;
En él tus afectos
Más nobles se arraigan:

En él han escrito
Arados y espadas,
Pinceles y plumas,
Buriles y hazañas,

Anales sombríos,
Historias que encantan
Y en rasgos eternos
Tu pueblo retratan.

Y tanto a su vida
La tuya se enlaza,
Cual se une en un árbol
Al tronco la rama.

Por eso presente
O en zonas lejanas,
Doquiera contigo
Va siempre la Patria.

IV

No importa que al hombre,
Su tierra sea ingrata,
Que el hambre la aflija,
Que pestes la invadan;

Que viles verdugos
La postren esclava,
Rompiendo las leyes
Más justas y santas;

Que noches eternas
Las brumas le traigan,
Y nunca los astros
Su luz deseada;

Pregunta al proscrito,
Pregunta al que vaga
Por ella sin techo,
Sin paz y sin calma;

¡Pregunta si pueden
Jamas olvidarla,
Si en sueño y vigilia
Por ella no claman!

No existe, a sus ojos,
Más bella morada,
Ni en campo ni en cielo
Ninguna le iguala.

Quizá unidos todos
Se digan mañana:
¡Mi Dios es el tuyo,
Mi Patria, tu Patria!»

Ventura Ruiz Aguilera (1820-1881)


There are poems that rob us of our voice and even of the air we breathe. We think that if we can recite such a poem through once, however haltingly and imperfectly, the next time it will be easier. But it isn't. The knot in our throats is not loosened by exercising our vocal chords. The emotion it provokes cannot be wrung out of it. We are as susceptible to its power at the last reading as we were at the first. It moves us when we will not be moved. We don't master it; it is master of us. This is such a poem. The greatest poets, like the greatest opera singers, can reach the highest notes at will. The accomplishment of such a feat by one whose range is more limited is astonishing because it is unexpected and shines all the more distinctively because it shines alone. Martí is the author of many great poems; Ventura Ruiz Aguilera of just one. The two poets were contemporaries, though Ruiz Aguilera's literary career ended at exactly the time that Martí's was beginning. He was immensely popular as a poet in his day, which Martí never was. In his "Modern Spanish Poets," published in English in New York's The Sun, in 1880, Martí writes almost as an afterthought "Then there is Ruiz Aguilera, a sort of Berénger" (the renowned French songwriter). This judgment has since been echoed by all critics. If Ruiz Aguilera had written nothing but "La Patria," he might today be known as a greater poet. But perhaps all the ephemeral poems that preceded it were an apprenticeship which had to be served in order for him to produce this one glorious poem, which we are quite sure Martí never read or else he would have been far more fulsome in his praise of its author. Ruiz Aguilera was a physician, archaeologist and museum director; and in this one poem, a great poet.

Thursday, August 21, 2014

How José Martí Tested His Sexual Willpower

It is not surprising that the Quesadas, father and son, the hereditary caretakers of Martí's personal papers who also appointed themselves the guardians of his reputation, suppressed this notebook for as long as they were in control of Martí's archives, nor is it unexpected that the regime's own cultural commissars, once they had wrested it from its owners, concealed its contents for another forty years. Recently, however, the regime has launched a propaganda campaign aimed at convincing the world (or at least its progressive allies) that it has abandoned its sexual puritanism of old and no longer persecutes sexual minorities as minorities. The same conditional sufferance which it has extended to homosexuals and transvestites the regime has now seen fit to grant to its avowed "intellectual author."

So it came to past that the Centro de Estudios Martianos, the official and only recognized interpreter of Martí's legacy in Cuba, published in the 35th edition of its "Anuario" a series of ten notations by Martí dealing with  pedophilia in classical literature, aphrodisiacs, prostitution, polyandry, the cult of Priapus, the Holy Phallus (of which there are seven in as many churches), sexual mutilation (of which the former would be an example), Elizabeth I (sadist), and the Marquis de Sade (a lesser sadist). Nothing that he says on these subjects departs from the conventional view of them. That is, he does not approve. Their suppression, therefore, is a question of being purer than Caesar's wife; there are certain subjects which, in the opinion of his censors, Martí should never have broached at all since they detract from his gravitas.

With one notable exception (Fragment 8), Martí does not relate any of these topics to his personal life. That one exception, however, may be the reason that it and the others were withheld for 117 years. Quesada de Miranda was known for granting some of his favorites tantalizing peeps at some of "his" treasures. He may indeed have accorded that privilege to Carlos Márquez Sterling, who in his largely-derivative biography of Martí alludes to his supposed dalliances with prostitutes in New York, based, no doubt, on a misinterpretation of this particular "fragment" (fragment of what?). This unsourced allegation made no impression at the time of its publication (1940) because most Cuban men of that era had at least experienced their sexual initiation in that way. What is common is never considered shocking or censurable, though it can qualify as distasteful, which is the reason that Márquez Sterling's allegation was never repeated by any other subsequent biographer. In any case, Fragment 8 does not support but rather disproves this assumption. Its subject is obviously prostitution and Martí's relation to it, but his relation to it is exactly the opposite of what Márquez Sterling innocently (yes, innocently) assumes.

San Agustín mismo ¿no es de singular importancia, y todo el favor de su atención, a minuciosidades corpóreas?— Y Sto Tomás sobre colocaciones!—

Pues yo he hecho como San Adelmo y el beato Robert d’ Arbrissel. They need to sleep wih [sic] the prettiest girls,—to pure their own,— enerfiger [sic] [palabra ilegible] and chaalotly [sic]

The reader will note that the original jotting appears half in Spanish and half in English. The personal revelation is written in English and has been poorly deciphered by its transcriber whether through incompetence or design (I suspect the former). I have done what I could to make sense of it and believe it is now perfectly intelligible:

For St. Augustine, isn't carnal minutiae of singular importance and doesn't it occupy his entire attention? — And St. Thomas [Aquinas] and his views on intercourse! —

Well, I've done the same as St. Aldhelm and Blessed Robert d'Arbrissel. They need[ed] to sleep with the prettiest girls  — to pure [purify] their own energies and purge [the girls'] harlotry."

Augustine and Aquinas condemned prostitution as a sin, but neither advocated its legal proscription. Although they did not regard it as a "victimless crime" (its modern extenuation) they did believe that there would be more victims if it were criminalized than if it were tolerated. In justifying why prostitution should be allowed to exist for the sake of the common good, Aquinas quotes from Augustine's De Ordine: "If you do away with harlots, the world would be convulsed with lust." In other words, honest women would lose the prerogative of saying "no" if meretricious women were prevented from saying "yes." Prostitution assured the virtue of the many by sacrificing the souls (and bodies) of a few. Martí obviously finds such a calibration ridiculous, as attested by the question mark which he affixes to his comment on Augustine's obsession with "sexual minutiae" and the exclamation mark which Aquinas' views on sexual intercourse merits.

In the next paragraph, Martí confesses, unapologetically, that he has also used "beautiful girls" to placate his sexual urges while purging their harlotry, as did St. Aldhelm and Blessed Robert d'Arbrissel. But are these not two contradictory propositions? What was it that these saints did that satisfied their sexual urges while restoring harlots to purity? Surely Martí would have had to know what they did in order to emulate them. The answer, unfortunately, is not to be found in Martí's works. But there is an answer. It is contained in the book which Marti was reading and commenting upon while writing these notes, Dictionnaire critique des reliques et des images miraculeuses [1822] by Jacques-Albin-Simon Collin de Plancy. Of Robert D'Arbrissell, the author writes: "[His superiors] accused him of sleeping with the most charming girls in the order in a perilous effort to give more merit to continence ... It is argued, however, that St. Robert and St. Adelme each slept between two women to mortify themselves, and never succumbed. ... St. Robert is also credited with having converted with just one sermon all the prostitutes in the town of Rouen in the year 1100, and wherever he wandered he was always followed by a troop of women." Voltaire satirized him in the once-banned Chant de la Pucelle:

A ce grand saint qui se plut à coucher
Entre les bras de deux nonnes fessues,
A caresser quatre cuisses dodues ,
Quatre tétons, et le tout sans pécher.


And this great saint who took pleasure in bed
Between the arms of two fat-assed nuns, 

Fondling four plump thighs,
Four nipples, and all without sin.


Or if you prefer a contemporary translation:

Dunois resembles Robert d'Arbrisselle,
Whose penance strange, (as holy Legends tell,)
Was with two Nuns to pass the live-long night,
Nor from their blooming beauties taste delight,
But obstinately cold, the charms despise,
Of four firm Bubbles, and four fleshy Thighs?



In The Oriental Herald, published by J.S. Buckingham in 1825, there is an article entitled "On the Spirit of Monachism (i.e. monasticism)," which expands on  Collin de Plancy's account.

In these [adjacent convent-monasteries] the nuns and friars lived in a neighbourly, charitable way; the former sinning, and the latter (who of course never sinned) giving them absolution. Being desirous of acquiring a more than ordinary degree of sanctity, and, for that purpose, of approaching and overcoming the greatest temptations, many monks were in the habit of sharing the beds of the most beautiful nuns, that they might convince the devil, by their abstinence in such situations, it was to no purpose he would torment them with any further snares. Among those who put their virtue to this awful trial, was le bienheureux Robert d'Arbrissel, Abbot of Fontevraud; and it is said that after this the devil gave him up in despair. William of Malmsbury relates a similar story of Aldhelm, one of our English saints; and he adds, that the practice never once brought the holy man into suspicion with the honest people of those days. [...] The same St. Aldhelm used sometimes a less dangerous method of cooling his passions: he plunged himself in winter up to the neck in snow, and in summer passed whole days in the well of the monastery. This must have been a much more pleasant and effectual remedy. We perceive, however, by all this, that nature is not to be quenched by putting on a piece of hair-cloth, and calling oneself a monk. In fact, whoever reads attentively the lives of the primitive saints and hermits, will often have his pity very strongly excited by the recital of their temptations, real and visionary. The poor men, it is said, were very frequently haunted by devils, generally in a female shape; what their imaginations chiefly dwelt upon may, therefore, be clearly seen.

The last method alluded to, a cold shower, is still somewhat in vogue today for concupiscence, but the practice of sleeping chastely with beautiful girls (whether whores or nuns) to test your self-control seems to have died out with other hermitic mortifications, such as wearing hair-shirts or living atop a pillar for decades. The last well-known figure to have embraced this exercise and recommended it as a kind of universal panacea was Mahatma Gandhi. If I had said at the beginning that Martí had not done with beautiful girls what Gandhi also had not done with them, I believe that many would have understood me. Still, I would have had to forego telling about Aldhelm and Robert d'Arbrisssel, and that I was not disposed to do. Not because I did not want to lose a good story, but because without reference to them what Martí appears to be saying is that he liked sleeping with beautiful girls to re-energize himself and take advantage of their harlotry. Surely that would be worse. Right?

I may annotate the other fragments, since I suppose it is unfair to allude tantalizingly to them and then drop them.

Friday, April 18, 2014

Gabriel García Márquez and Fidel Castro: Birds of a Feather


[Unless they meet again in some Dantean latitude, Fidel Castro and Gabriel García Márquez had their last meeting a month ago [July 2008] in Havana. By year's end, one or the other will be dead; perhaps both. Their mutual admiration society will not be disbanded, however. Both shall continue to live in each others "works:" the tyrant as the sycophant's inspiration and the sycophant as the tyrant's well-used tool. The following article, from 1988, explores the most embarrassing and revealing episode of García Márquez's association with Cuba, which began in 1962 when he was contracted as a propagandist for Prensa Latina, Castro's "news service." In his "Reflection" on their last meeting Castro credits García Márquez with saving his life during a state visit to Colombia in the 70s. Fidel asked the then Nobel Prize-winning author to accompany him in his motorcade and, supposedly, García Márquez encephalitic head blocked a markman's view of Castro's and saved him to tyrannize another 3 decades.]


By: Manuel A. Tellechea
The New York Tribune
Commentary Section, p. 9
September 27, 1988

Castro's Pet Author Lends his Nobel Credentials to Marxist Cuba

Gabriel García Márquez is the best known and most vocal of Castro's apologists in Latin America. He is also Latin America's greatest writer, according to García Márquez himself, most English-speaking critics and a committee of literary Swedes. How much the writer owes his reputation to the apologist, I will leave unanswered. It is clear, though, that the apologist precedes the writer and that both are now fused in the consciousness of the world.

This was demonstrated recently by so casual an event as the defection of García Márquez's personal secretary, which was reported on the front pages of many Latin American newspapers, and not, as one might have supposed, in the classifieds of the literary section. Defection? you protest. Men defect from governments, not from other men. Yes, that's exactly my point. García Márquez is perhaps the only man who lives in Cuba by choice, not compulsion. He lives, of course, in his own extraterritorial enclave which is not only a world apart but another world altogether: a one-man foreign legation representing all the useful idiots of Latin America, where liberty has been nominally decreed for those who most vociferously defend tyranny.

It was from this enclave that Antonio Valle y Vallejo defected. As García Márquez's personal secretary, he had been a daily visitor to his compound. No mere typist or glorified amanuensis, Valle was a professor of Marxist history and philosophy at Havana University and the Lenin Institute. He was also García Márquez's assistant at the Foundation of the Modern Cinema, which the Colombian founded and runs from Havana. And, yes, he transcribed and retyped García Márquez's manuscripts and may have offered a hint or two on the Marxist dialectic when needed.

Valle saw early on that his future did not lay as an exalted professor of lies or cinematographer by rote, but in the simple tasks that he performed for his friend and mentor. García Márquez was not unappreciative. He had his picture taken with Valle, a mark of the highest regard in Latin America. He inscribed Valle's copy of One Hundred Years of Solitude with a cryptic but telling dedication. Finally, came the reward for which Valle had long been hoping and waiting. García Márquez invited Valle to travel with him to Colombia for the Cartagena Film Festival. The magic realist had opened to him a door to another world, but Valle knew that he could not expect any help from him in realizing his defection. He could not guess, however, that his mentor would try to have him killed because of it.

On learning that Valle had gone missing,on his watch, so to speak, García Márquez phoned President Barco of Colombia and requested his assistance in locating him. As a personal favor to Colombia's preeminent son, Barco issued orders that placed his country's security forces at the orders of the DGI operatives that had accompanied the Cuban delegation to the film festival. Just as for an athlete or any other defector from Cuba capture would have meant forced repatriation and a lifetime of expiation in prison or the cane fields.

Valle sought refuge in the only place in Colombia that he trusted would not turn him over to his pursuers -- the U.S. embassy in Bogota; and, ironically, he was granted asylum on the basis of the cryptic but telling inscription in his copy of One Hundred Years of Solitude: "For Tony, the son that Naomi snatched away, with an embrace from his papa lost in the labyrinth of nada (nothingness), Gabriel '86." That dedication, by the way, is in itself an entire García Márquez novel and would alone justify the award of diplomatic asylum to Valle. Abraham's willingness to sacrifice his son in obedience to his God is a fitting parallel except that García Márquez's god would have had him go through with it.

García Márquez's ties to the DGI were well-known even before the defection of Antonio Valle, though Valle's defection provided rather squalid proof of it. Ricardo Bofill, whose curriculum vitae is almost identical to Valle's, was the first to denounce García Márquez as an informant for the DGI based on his own experience with him. A member of the Communist Party even before Castro came to power, Bofill was for many years chairman of the Marxist Department at Havana University, and as Cuba's leading Marxist ideologue had entry into the highest party echelons as well as García Márquez's charmed circle. Bofill was purged and imprisoned for "divisionism" in the 1970s (his sin was that he wanted Soviet planners to handle Cuba's economy directly, not through Castro, thereby removing one layer of insanity from a two-layer system). Bofill later re-emerged as the president of Cuba's unofficial Helsinki Human Rights Committee. It is interesting that Bofill still considers himself a Marxist and regards García Márquez as a betrayer not because the Colombian novelist is an ideological Marxist (which Bofill is also) but because he is a practical Marxist (i.e. one who turns abstract notions into hideous deeds and accepts unseemly rewards for his treachery).

García Márquez's unstinting hero-worship of Fidel Castro is a matter of public record, but less known are the rewards he has reaped from his association with him. The Cuban state press has published more editions of this foreigner's works than it has of any living or dead Cuban author. García Márquez has used the royalties he has received -- which, incidentally, were paid to him not for actual sales but the official press run -- to purchase and restore a 19th century palazzo in old Havana. He also owns a yacht and his own private beach and marina in Cuba.

Bofill charges that he has acquired these not through his literary work but because he furnishes the Cuban government with information on internal and external dissidents. In other others, he "sounds out" local writers on their views of the Revolution and reports their answers to the DGI. It is also alleged that he provides the DGI with information on Cuban authors and artists living abroad who have not officially broken with the Revolution but are privately critical of it. García Márquez's defenders have countered that he has on occasion assisted Cuban friends who have fallen afoul of the regime. No names are ever given of the beneficiaries of his intervention and he has never been a signatory to any petition on behalf of Cuban political prisoners or any imprisoned Cuban in particular. His conduct in respect to his closest literary associate in Cuba should give the lie to all who think better of him than he deserves.

It is true that García Márquez has enough money to live anywhere he wishes and buy anything he wants. But he wants to live in Cuba and in opulence. And that boon is not obtained just with dollars. As José Martí wrote 100 years ago, "Every tyranny has at hand one of those learned men to think and write, to justify, to extenuate, and to disguise. Sometimes it has many of them, because literature is often coupled with an appetite for luxury, and with the latter comes a willingness to sell oneself to whomever can satisfy it."
 
http://reviewofcuban-americanblogs.blogspot.com/2008/08/from-tellechea-newspaper-archives.html


***


The following comment was not left here, but on amazon.com, where it appears as a review of Fidel & Gabo: A Portrait of the Legendary Friendship Between Fidel Castro and Gabriel García Marquez, by Angel Esteban and Stephanie Panichelli [2011]. The author is one of many Castro apologists on the internet who recalls -- fondly, as he admits -- having jousted with me on Cuban forums in the past and wishes again to capture my attention, which he has in fact done. I rarely venture from these precincts now, and even here I am not a constant presence. But I am still nothing if not obliging to his ilk, because I know that I am right and suspect that their "better angels" also know it and require my help to free themselves from their thralldom to lies and certain unholy associations. Why else would they seek me out years after our last encounter when even the forum (Cubamania) where we crossed swords is long defunct, but not, alas, the gerontocracy to the service of which it was devoted? I can't reprogram them all one by one: too many of them and not enough of me to go around.

But I will make exceptions for those as Mr. Johnson who believe that Communism "isn't all it's cracked up to be" except when applied to our unhappy country. In his eyes, Fidel Castro's only crime is to "have hung onto the broken idealism right until the end." The only idealism that Fidel Castro ever espoused in his life was personal idealism, that is, the idealization of the self. That idealism is not broken. Sixty years of failures at the expense of his countrymen have not shaken in the least his faith in himself, because he has been able to escape the effects of his own folly and will likely be the only Cuban dictator to die in his own bed. "Broken idealism" is not Castro's legacy, but broken dreams and broken lives, broken everything in that vast madhouse where he has confined his people for more than 50 years, when, in fact, the solution to Cuba's problems required the confinement of only one man -- himself.

It is Mr. Johnson's ridiculous conceit that the enmity of his enemies (not the flattery of his friends) has empowered Castro and that except for it he might have relinquished power long ago. According to this theory, Chamberlain was right to appease Hitler and World War II was averted thanks to his profound understanding of the psyche of tyrants. A residual benefit of this policy, for the likes of Mr. Johnson, is that the tyrant's apologists and appeasers emerge as not only the real heroes but the real opponents of tyranny, because their flattery and credulity were successful in defeating or containing his plans and giving mankind "peace in our time."  (For those who consider comparisons to Hitler odious, let them remember that Castro came closer to blowing up the world than Hitler did).

Mr. Johnson also errs in assuming that the trade embargo has been instrumental in keeping Castro in power by providing a convenient excuse for all his failures. Tyrants do not acknowledge let alone justify their failures; certainly, this tyrant never has. The trade embargo has not prevented the U.S. from becoming one of Cuba's largest trading partners. Its sole remaining proscriptions are that Communist Cuba must pay with cash for what it buys and cannot borrow from U.S. banks. Is Cuba's sovereignty now dependent on borrowing from U.S. banks and is U.S. imperialism limited to refusing to extend credit to Castro & Co.? Is this the terrible "blockade" of leftist folklore? As an inhabitant of another island (England, that is), Mr. Johnson should know the real definition of a blockade.

Finally, it is not a gutted embargo nor a non-existent blockade that has kept Fidel Castro politically invulnerable for more than half a century. It is, rather, the Kennedy-Khrushchev Pact, which established the U.S. as the guarantor of Communism in Cuba and which the U.S. has never repudiated. If Mr. Johnson favored the immediate repeal of this blatant example of U.S. imperialism, I would believe (for once) that he really has the best interests of the Cuban people at heart rather than the interests of the regime. But since it's the regime that allows his wife and children (still Cuban citizens) to enter and leave the island at its pleasure, and the regime also which can revoke the title to his house in Cuba (as it has done to millions of expatriate Cubans who are not married to Britons), Mr. Johnson is hardly an unbiased or disinterested commentator on the Cuban scene. I may not have been to Cuba in 50 years, but at least my family and I are not hostages of the regime, as he and his unfortunately are.

For someone with Mr. Johnson's privileged entry into Cuban society, we would have expected more profound insights than "since 1988 the world has moved on a bit." Which is true as a generality, but not in the case of Communist Cuba. It has not moved, and that is precisely the problem (though not for Mr. Johnson). Neither through its own volition nor the world's propulsion has Cuba "moved on" since 1988 (or, indeed, since 1959). So everything that I have written about Cuba in that interim is as topical today as it was then. I don't even have to change a word. As for Raúl Castro's "reforms," which Mr. Johnson regards as emblematic of movement, Cubans are now allowed to sew buttons for a living; may rent a hotel room for a night with a year's wages; and may even own airplanes if they choose (though a certain class of Cubans has always had these at its disposal and on stand-by). These "reforms" only allow Cubans on the island to spend their own money (or, more likely, the money their relatives send them from abroad) on a greater variety of goods at the company store. Since Castro & Co. enjoys a monopoly on all material goods sold on the island, the state alone stands to profit from these "reforms." The profits it derives from fostering the erstwhile bogeyman of consumerism will be spent on modernizing and expanding its apparatus of repression, not providing the "glass of milk a day" which Raúl infamously promised all Cubans upon his dynastic ascension. If Cubans can make any money sewing buttons or selling croquettes (after buying the materia prima at Castro's retail stores), they might be able to afford an extra egg a month, and that will be Raúl's legacy of "reform."

Free elections and free markets are what Cuba needs, Mr. Johnson. Any other sort of "reforms" are not intended to lead toward them, but, rather, to forestall the day of the final reckoning between the tyrant and the people.

     

Birds of a Feather? Sounds more like a review from a dead duck

By Keith Johnson

Barely cold is the body of Gabriel García Márquez, and here we have reviewer Manuel A. Tellechea jumping on his soapbox to forge another sad morsel of political capital. But fear not, folks, this is just the same old re-hashed rhetoric from a quarter of a century ago. What Manny - as we used to call him on the Cuba travel forums - fails to mention is that his "review" is just a cut-and-past of an article that he first published in The New York Tribune in 1988, and again today on his José Martí blog at

[...]

Since 1988 the world has moved on a bit. Even Raúl Castro seems to be waking up to the fact the the communist dream isn't all it's cracked up to be and making some tentative moves towards a market economy. With Chavez gone from Venezuela, the number of people still living the dream will surely soon be down to just one.

A lot of people who should have known better got caught up in the socialist revolutionary fervour of the 20th century. Most of them eventually woke up to the reality as they saw the Berlin Wall and eastern bloc regimes falling one after another, and the smart ones quietly renounced their old beliefs and settled into the world of mainstream political thought. Some found it harder to do so, and a small number - including Fidel Castro - have hung onto the broken idealism right until the end. Where Gabriel García Márquez lies in this spectrum is a matter for the diligent reader to evaluate, but there will be opinions at both extremes as represent in the reviews here, and as ever the truth lies somewhere in between.

What Manny and the rabidly anti-Castro exiles in the US don't understand and will never accept is that it is their own vociferous hatred that has kept the Castros in power for over 50 years, by creating a clearly-defined enemy for them. A brief survey of history will reveal what a gift this is to any dictator, who can then thrive on the opportunity of making endless rhetoric against that enemy. Even more so in the case of Cuba, where the embargo has also provided a scapegoat for all the woes wrought on the Cuban people by the failings of the regime. Without the heat of anti-Castroism to fuel the revolutionary fire, it is reasonable to postulate that Fidel and Raúl might well have been long gone by now.

Manny has been notorious on travel forums for his attacks on anybody visiting Cuba for whatever, particularly Canadians. He considers all tourists to Cuba to be pedophiles, communists and apologists for a dictatorial regime. A sample of his invective can be found here:

http://reviewofcuban-americanblogs.blogspot.com/2007/07/cubamania-how-acquainted-are-you-with.html

I used to write as "Prospero" on that forum, and enjoyed much sparring with Manny there. I'm married to a Cuban, we have two small children and a house in Cuba, although we live most of the time in England. As far as I know, Manny hasn't set foot on the island himself in the last 50 years, but instead of trying to get visitors on-side and encourage them to use their trips to slowly subvert and chip away at the regime by opening the eyes of ordinary Cubans, he chooses to alienate the very people who could help his cause by throwing insults at them.

By advocating a policy of no travel to Cuba, the anti-Castros reduce the opportunity of Cubans on the island to acquaint themselves with the real world outside. Far from trade embargoes and isolation, it has been social and cultural exchange that has brought about the downfall of most dictatorial regimes, in recent years notably in the Middle East. One only needs to look at how such regimes try to control access to the Internet to see how much they really fear openness and information from the outside. Tourism brings these things with it, and as such it was only ever reluctantly embraced by the Cuban regime when Russia pulled out of its economic support for Cuba in the 1990s and there was no other option.

So Manny's hatred of someone like Gabriel García Márquez is only to be expected. Intelligent readers will study books like this and others, will examine how the social, political and cultural contexts have changed over time before making up their own minds, rather than buy into the over-blown rhetoric of one side or the other.

Fortunately younger Cubans on both sides of the divide are now beginning to see that breaking down the barriers is the real way to defeat totalitarianism. Soon when all the old men are dead communism can be laid to rest once and for all and the world can move on - at least until some other would-be revolutionary rediscovers it.

http://www.amazon.com/Fidel-Gabo-Portrait-Legendary-Friendship-ebook/dp/B005LW2IHA/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1397817970&sr=1-1&keywords=Fidel+Gabo